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Human Sexual Selection

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  • Sexy Brains

    May 17th 2010

    By: Katherine

    No comments

    I really like brains and neuroscience. So when we each had to come up with an area of focus for this course, I knew I wanted to do something with sexual selection of the brain and human intelligence.

    The first article I shared with the group argued that contrary to what is typically assumed, human intelligence is not adaptive. Rather, intelligence is an indicator of genetic resistance against infections and signals a healthy, pathogen-free brain. Thus people prefer intelligent mates. Rosza asserts that her hypothesis of intelligence as an accidental side-effect explains why we “enjoy wasting most of [our] intellectual capabilities for totally useless purposes.”

    I also brought in a paper that analyzed the degree of sexual dimorphism in the brains of several primate species by comparing gene expression in the occipital cortex. From their results, the authors concluded that sexual gene expression dimorphism is conserved in primate cortexes.

    Riffing off this article I shared about primate brain dimorphism, I recently brought in another one where the author, Michael Schillaci tried to establish relationships between primate brain size and two factors of primate sexual selection: sperm competition and male competition for mates. With bats, there seems to be a trade-off between sperm and brains, since both are metabolically costly. The researchers found that whereas low sperm competition isn’t correlated with larger brains in primates, decreased male competition for access to fertile females is associated with bigger brains. The present study seems to reject the expensive tissue hypothesis as an explanation for primate brain sizes. Schillaci remarks that this is to be expected since testicular tissue in primates takes up comparatively little real estate.

    Let me express some reservations I had with the way these findings were presented. Both of the independent variables were measured indirectly. Sperm competition was measured by relative testes size, and male intrasexual competition was estimated from sexual mass dimorphism. Sperm competition and male competition for mates are strong components in sexual selection, but are also extremely hard to quantitatively measure. So I understand the need to indirectly measure them. Yet testes size and mass dimorphism seem like a pretty far stretch. (Granted, I myself have no clue how to get data on sperm competition and male-male competition. Dear colleagues and readers, any clever ideas?) The author of the paper could have just framed his study as investigating the correlation between brain size and testes size and mass dimorphism. This would be a more honest and direct summary of their study. But no, they forcibly equated testes size and mass dimorphism with sperm and male-male competition so that they could make more dramatic points about evolution in the discussion section. (More about forcing bio theory on data later…) Another thing about questionable use of terminology—instead of simply writing primate brain size, the author repeatedly refers to his dependent variable as “primate brain size evolution.” (I know I’m being a tad hypocritical, since dependent and independent variables don’t really exist in observational studies, but I don’t know what else to call them.) Sorry dude, but sticking the word “evolution” where it doesn’t belong does not make your findings more profound.

    The author also mentions the finding that large brains among primates are associated with monogamous mating systems. Schillaci discusses this trend at great length in the context of the social brain theory. The social brain hypothesis posits that primates evolved their relatively large brains to process complex social systems. Thus, the theory goes, the larger the noggin, the more complex the social system. Schillaci writes that his results seem to contradict the social complexity theory, if you assume polygamous mating systems are more complex than monogamous ones. To my knowledge, no one associates polygamy with social complexity; it’s almost as if Schillaci is creating nonexistent controversy to make his results seem more groundbreaking than they actually are. The author then argues, “if, however, monogamous mating systems require greater social acuity and abilities for deception and…manipulation, then monogamy would select for larger and potentially more complex brains.” By thus claiming that monogamy is in fact indicative of social complexity, Schillaci makes his results fit neatly with an established theory. But how the hell would one confirm the link between monogamy and social complexity? Are there any sociologists out there with ideas?

    The primate brain dimorphism article sparked conversation about cognitive and behavioral differences between men and women. In hopes of continuing this discussion with actual studies, I shared Doreen Kimura’s review article “Sex, sexual orientation and sex hormones influence human cognitive function.” Numerous studies have confirmed typical differences between men and women: men perform better on mathematical reasoning, mental rotation, and targeting accuracy, whereas women have more extensive color vocabularies, better verbal memory and finger dexterity. The most plausible biological reason for these functional brain differences is that the brain hemispheres of men are usually less symmetric than those of women. The interesting thing about spatial rotation tasks is that the top performers tend to be women with higher testosterone levels and men with lower testosterone levels. This suggests that there’s an optimal level of testosterone for spatial functioning, which happens to be in the low male range.

    A quick Google search reveals that Kimura has done a lot of research on sex and cognition and is a big proponent of academic freedom. I give her major props for continuing in her line of research despite its controversial nature. The stigma surrounding human sexual selection has been a huge point of frustration and discussion in our class, and I strongly think this taboo needs to be broken because understanding sexual selection is essential to fully understanding our history as a species.

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  • Reflections. And Orgasms.

    May 14th 2010

    By: Max

    2 comments

    In our directed reading, we have discussed many topics revolving around a few fairly basic ideas. The concept of sexual selection is predicated on the assumption that males and females, though united in their goal to reproduce, have different interests; that is to say, circumstances or behaviors that positively impact a female’s reproductive success may be detrimental to a male’s. This is a fairly inane statement if one is referring to giraffes or seahorses, but when you say this about humans, it becomes offensive to some. I’ll be honest – I had trouble reconciling what I consider to be my feminist sensibilities and the idea that men and women are significantly different.

    Since my initial qualms, I have come to some conclusions that I think are reasonably important to the study of humans in biology. The first may seem very conciliatory, but it is really important to me. It is this: studies on humans are cannot be applied directly to our daily lives. When I talk about a paper that I read for this class with a friend, often they will immediately apply it to themselves or their friends. For example, if I mention that I read a study finding that males of above-average height do better reproductively in general, I’ll get a response along the lines of “Well, I guess [insert short male’s name here] is out of luck.” This is a pet peeve of mine, because general trends of reproductive success may have slim to none perceivable correlation with dating in college; even knowing this, it is our knee-jerk reaction as humans to put everything in terms of ourselves. I find myself doing that all the time when thinking about the animal world. Nevertheless, it is an impulse that needs to be checked periodically.

    The second conclusion in regards to feminism and evolution is that evolution is essentially the underlying “why” behind all of the processes we study, but it is most certainly not our moral code. In The Red Queen, Ridley aptly points out that murder is as natural as misogyny is, as long as we define “natural” as something integral to the lives of our pre-human ancestors. I think it is worth discussing (as Avery pointed out in an earlier post) whether, or to what extent, our success in Western society is based on reproduction. Either way, I know that I do not personally see reproduction as equal to success. I would be more inclined to define success as how effectively one can spread one’s ideas, and that reproduction is just one valid way to do so. In this way, you could say that Brad Pitt is successful, because his views (on adoption, for example) are given the world stage because of his fame, and his talent and attractiveness allow him to be more persuasive to certain audiences. In any case, there’s no reason that evidence revealing that women’s reproductive goals have evolved in a certain way should inform the our laws or moral rules, for reasons I’ve already mentioned.

    My third conclusion is that the differences between men and women are one of averages. This is also a Ridley idea, but I dislike how he phrases it. Basically, how I understand it is that descriptions of male and female behavior are based on averages of the data collected from varied samples of men and women. Once again, instinct inclines us to mentally apply these findings to all men and women, not taking into account that this may be really misleading when comparing one man with one woman.

    With all of this in mind, I would like to take a brief look at the evolutionary perspective on the female orgasm. Sadly, there are still some scientists who believe that the female orgasm originates from a lack of selection pressure to remove the processes producing the male orgasm, much in the way breast structures are preserved in men. John Bancroft sums up this idea: “women have orgasmic capacity and clitoral development, and men have nipples, because there is no good reproductive reason to suppress their development. In that respect, at least, one could say that women have had the better deal!” (2002). This attitude is somewhat of a throwback to Freud – scientific language is being used to make the claim that women’s sexuality is secondary and derived from male sexuality, but with no supporting data.

    "Are we there yet?"

    Several theories, focusing on an evolutionary incentive rather than some sort of selective indifference, have been proposed to explain the female orgasm; some of these make a certain degree of sense, and others seem dubious. One of the older ideas, first popularized in the 70s, was the so-called “upsuck” hypothesis, which theorized that the contractions involved in a female orgasm served to actively take up the sperm into the uterus. The actual mechanism of this is extremely foggy, but some self-collected data does suggest that not only does whether the woman orgasms affect sperm retention, but also the timing of the orgasm in relation to when the man ejaculates. As women often report that they feel tired or sleepy after having an orgasm, it has been suggested that the behaviors associated with fatigue and rest increase sperm retention.

    As we all know, female orgasm is not necessary for conception to be successful. Logic leads scientists to believe, then, that it has to have a mate choice-like function to it, as it would be unlikely to evolve in the absence of some other purpose. I’ve read two thought-provoking papers on the subject that I would like to discuss. The first states that the female orgasm could select for good genes in males by means of ascertaining the quality of the (you guessed it) immune system. The measure of this was something called fluctuating asymmetry (FAS), which is very similar to facial symmetry, but applied to the whole body. The concept behind this is that the same gene controls development on both sides of the body, so asymmetry is instead an indication of how smoothly (read: parasite-free) development went for an individual. Excitingly, the researchers found that when women had sex with men with low FAS, they had more orgasms than when they had sex with men with higher FAS. The researchers seemed like they eliminated a lot of potential confounding variables by also ascertaining the affects of age, relationship type, something called “social potency” that I didn’t quite understand, and, most intriguingly, physical attractiveness. Even though FAS might correlate with physical attractiveness, this did not translate to physical attractiveness, or any other factor other than FAS, affecting female orgasms. A mechanism for this is most certainly absent from the paper, however.

    The other really interesting study was one that tested the idea of selective sperm retention with multiple mates. It turns out that self-reporting data is to the effect that female orgasms before male ejaculation are not nearly as retentive as ones that occur during or up to 45 minutes after the male ejaculates. The study dealt with women who had “extrapair copulations”, or affairs. The orgasm pattern (note that the orgasm pattern also includes lack of orgasm) seemed to shift to favor retention of the sperm of the extrapair male. This data fits a model similar to a bird example in The Red Queen, and we’ve also discussed the idea in terms of facial attractiveness: it is in the female’s best interest to take advantage of reproducing with the highest-quality, most attractive males. These males are not going to be the best fathers, however, because they are in high demand from many females. Therefore, if a female can strike a balance between maintaining a relationship with a mediocre male (whose best chances at reproducing lie in contributing his resources to one female) and reproducing as much as possible with the more attractive ones, she will be very successful.

    As nicely as this predicts bird behavior, it’s obvious that humans are a lot more complicated than birds. At the same time, these mechanisms might really have some validity, we just need to study them more and try to be as objective as possible. Paradoxically, we also need to be aware of how this stuff is presented. As much as it makes sense, I would also like to talk to you guys about whether it is worth caring about that female strategy can always be spun to sound subversive or sneaky. This is obviously not the case, as it is whichever circumstance has produced the fittest offspring in our history that makes the choice, not the individual. Oblivious to this, people will want to have sex. And orgasms.

    Baker, R.R., & Bellis, M.A. (1993). Human sperm competition: ejaculate manipulation by females and a function for the female orgasm. Animal Behavior, 46, 887-909.

    Lloyd, E.A. (1993). Pre-theoretical assumptions in evolutionary explanations of female sexuality. Philosophical Studies: An International Journal for Philosophy in the Analytic Tradition, 69, 139-153.

    Thornill, R., Gangestad, S.W., & Comer, R. (1995). Human female orgasm and mate fluctuating asymmetry. Animal Behavior, 50, 1601-1615.

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  • End of Semester Musings

    May 11th 2010

    By: Avery

    1 comment

    It’s the end of the semester and thus of our directed reading, and this is my last post for this blog that is directly affiliated with the class.  It’s a look back, a brief review of what we’ve done, but, more importantly, I want to present my thoughts about what we’ve done in general to you, to propose questions and problems I’ve stumbled upon during the course of our reading.  I also want to highlight the themes that Prof. Colin, Arielle, Max, Katherine and I tended to return to again and again throughout our conversations.

    First of all, I think it is worth noting how often we returned to the seemingly simple fact that we are studying humans here.  We sometimes got frustrated with how this limited the scope of experiments that could be done—you can’t treat humans like mice and therefore it is more difficult to get the type of quantitative data on humans that you can on mice.  The studies we read overcame this difficulty, but we often found ourselves wanting to test subjects more strenuously, e.g., to have them actually choose a mate from a specific array, not just say which woman or man was “most attractive.”  But it is precisely the fact that we were looking at sexual selection in humans that makes this subject so fascinating.  Call me self-centered, but I find my own species to be the most exciting one to learn about because I am learning about myself and my fellow humans.  Studying sexual selection in humans is in a large part learning about what it is to be human, but we can’t harm humans in the quest to gain this knowledge.

    See? Not the same.

    We also often wanted the studies we read to be repeated cross-culturally. The C-Word—culture—throws another monkey wrench in the study of humans and human evolution.  So females imprint on their father figures in Hungary and then pick mates that look like these (adoptive) fathers (See “Sexual Imprinting in Human Mate Choice” in Proceedings: Biological Sciences, Vol 271 No 1544 by Bereczkei, Gyuris, and Weisfield; Arielle’s summary here). One could easily argue, especially if one was of a particularly nurture-over-nature bent, that in Hungary fathers are valued very highly and this wouldn’t hold true in any other society.  There would be no literature to prove this assertion wrong because the study has only been done in one culture! This is the kind of thing that could drive us crazy.  This study was just an example; the issue with lack of cross-cultural comparison as defense against evolution naysayers is wide reaching, including in the articles we read.

    Over the course of the class, we came up with many harebrained ideas for experiments we would like to see done or concepts we’d like investigated. A couple of these worth noting follow.

    1. Do babies actually look like their fathers or do people just say that they do? We’ve noticed that when people say “Oh he looks so much like…” of a baby, they usually finish the sentence with his father.  It makes sense that a father would want reassurance that his baby is in fact his because paternity, unlike maternity, is not certain in humans.  We wonder if babies actually do look like their dads: have we evolved this way because more children that looked like their fathers survived because the fathers were surer of their paternity and thus more likely to invest parental care? Or could it be the evolved or cultural behavior of adult humans to reassure fathers of their paternity?  We would like to see someone do this experiment, perhaps using computers to judge the similarities of babies’ and dads’ faces and then human subjects to say which parent they thought the child looked like.  Would there be significant differences in the percentage of babies that actually (computer) looked more like their dad than their mom and the percentage of babies that human subjects said looked more like their dad? Does this work cross-culturally?
    2. In reading the articles for class, specifically Robert J. Quinlan’s article on the evolution of human pair-bonds (“Human Pair-Bonds: Evolutionary Functions, Ecological Variation, and Adaptive development,” Evolutionary Anthropology 17:227-238, 2008), I began to wonder about a specific variety of human pair bond—the arranged marriage.  Arranged marriages have traditionally been a big part of human’s reproductive strategies, existing in societies from that of the !Kung hunter-gatherers to that of the Renaissance monarchs of Europe.  Thanks to the existence of this mating strategy in foraging populations, it is not too much of a stretch to assume that arranged marriages have been around—even prevalent—for a significant amount of human history.  How does the institution of arranged marriage affect sexual selection? Have men evolved to appeal to older folks, those the same generation as their parents? Have women? Are these questions testable in any practical sense?

    This is just a small sample of the things this course has made me think about and the questions that are currently floating around my mind.  Another huge theme is sexual dimorphism in intelligence in humans, but that deserves its own post.  Please keep reading our blog; I’ve found lots of interesting articles to post and plan to continue mulling over my questions here in the hopes that you will mull with me.

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    course, questions, reflection

  • Reflections and questions

    May 11th 2010

    By: Arielle

    1 comment

    Looking back over our weekly meetings this semester, I keep coming back to our discussions of pop culture, and of our everyday lives. We read so many eye-opening articles, but, in the end, it was relating these articles to representations of femininity and masculinity in the media that was most interesting to me. Thinking about things like women’s preferences in male facial features, and how these might evolve because of more prevalent use of birth control (in one study we read, women who used birth control no longer displayed a preference for masculine face shapes) is really interesting. Who is to say that in fifty years time, our definitions of attractiveness won’t have changed? Will this be because of certain hormones to which we have only recently been exposed? Throughout the course, Colin kept emphasizing how quickly humans can evolve through sexual selection. Thinking about where fast-tracked sexual selection will take us in the next few generations is so exciting, and I can’t wait to explore this further.

    Speaking of human preferences in the future, this class also introduced me to several intriguing, and sometimes competing, explanations of human preferences today. Max’s recent article on attractiveness being related to MHC heterezygosity is a great example of this. The article found that women rated hetorozygote men much higher than homozygous men in terms of attractiveness and skin health. Earlier on, I had picked an article that found that women prefer men with more masculine faces, and another article had stated that women prefer men who resemble their fathers. Can all of these methods of choosing come into play at the same time? Which one would take preference? It would be so interesting to find an article that compared several factors in female mate choice, and that attempted to determine which factor comes out first.

    Something else that stood out this semester was Avery’s first article pick—Griet Vandermassen’s “Sexual Selection: A Tale of Male Bias and Feminist Denial.” Mostly, I am really interested in the discussion that this type of article can help begin—a discussion about how to bring sexual selection into our everyday life. It seems, though, that before we take that step, we must begin by further bringing a discussion of sexual selection into the scientific realm. Oddly, one of the recurring themes of our classes this semester was debating not only the validity of an author’s methods or conclusions, but also the validity of the journal in which he or she was published. Though we rotated who was to pick articles week to week, we always seemed to have trouble getting away from the likes of “The Psychology Bulletin.” Among other things I learned this semester, the lack of research related to sexual selection was an important one. Though I realized that one of the purposes of this class was to be able to discuss this subject that is often viewed as taboo, I had assumed that it was taboo in the media and in places like high school classrooms. I hadn’t imagined that even in the scientific world sexual selection would be hard to discuss. How are we to convince people that attributing a human characteristic to evolution does not make us sexist, if even researchers are afraid of making that faux pas?

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  • How many overt references to science/evolution/sexual selection can you find?

    May 4th 2010

    By: Katherine

    3 comments

    The November 2009 issue of the journal Cosmopolitan included an article on what male humans immediately select for in potential mates.

    why feminists hate evolutionary theory

    Sexual Selection in Pop Culture

  • Do you believe in love at first sight, or should we instead compare MHC heterozygosity?

    Apr 24th 2010

    By: Max

    1 comment

    This week, we decided to take a look at the genetic basis for some of the theories revolving around attractiveness that we’ve been discussing. The 2004 study we chose focuses on the theory that the reason one person is attracted has its basis in the immune system. It is well established that disease has been a huge factor in the evolutionary trajectory of humans – ask any high school biology teacher about Sickle-Cell Anemia, for example. One of the great innovations of sexual reproduction has been the ability to mix and match antigens on the cell surface, where pathogens like viruses bind to do their damage. The genomic region responsible for these antigens is called the major histocompatability complex (MHC), an extremely large and varied family of genes. The theory that has been percolating for years now is that you will be attracted to someone’s scent if they have different, or complimentary, MHC alleles. Besides the quantity of good evidence in support of this theory, I think it’s rather romantic.

    HLA

    day-amn, you got some fine alpha-helices.

    These researchers’ approach was to see if the MHC had any bearing on facial attractiveness, as well. They used women to judge the attractiveness of men’s faces and judge the health of magnified pictures of the facial skin of these men. To control for racial preference, they used all white men. Avery noticed that they did not seem to mention controlling for female preference by choosing only straight women. However, this arguably shouldn’t be a large issue, because everyone can gauge what she thinks is the standard for attractive whether or not they are personally attractive. The findings were pretty cool: more homozygous men (with fewer variation of alleles at the 3 chosen loci) did definitively worse than heterozygous men on both attractiveness and skin health. When comparing alleles shared between the women and the male subjects, the most attractive men who either had the most or the least in common with the women choosing. However, the researchers contended that this was because some women preferred men with MHCs similar to theirs, while others preferred those who were different. I invite you to discuss with me why this might be.

    Could MHC homozygosity just be an indicator of poor genetic quality as a result of things like inbreeding? Almost definitely not – other studies have shown that heterozygosity of MHC has no demonstrated correlation with the degree of heterozygosity at other key sites in the genome. This raised a question, though: would degree of inbreeding elicit the same pattern of female preference that degree of MHC homozygosity did in this study? The logistics of finding volunteers with a varied enough degree of inbreeding without bias would be a challenge. Also, though female choice is the canonical example of intersexual selection, it would be worth doing the same with rating the attractiveness of women and see if the patterns change at all.

    Roberts, S. Craig et al. “MHC-heterozygosity and human facial attractiveness.” Evolution and Human Behavior. 26(2005) 213 – 226

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  • What about the girls?

    Apr 22nd 2010

    By: Katherine

    No comments

    I didn’t even have to put “like” in the search box, and look what comes up.

    Media, Sexual Selection in Pop Culture

  • What do guys like?

    Apr 22nd 2010

    By: Max

    1 comment

    Thanks, Google.

    I don’t know how indicative this is of how people think, but it certainly feels that way.

    Media

  • How should we measure “mating success”?

    Apr 18th 2010

    By: Avery

    1 comment

    A question brought more clearly into focus recently and one that has been bothering us recently deserves to be aired.

    How should we measure “mating success” when we are doing studies about human sexual selection? The article discussed in the previous post defined this as the number of sexual partners a male had had in the past year, but this raised some issues for us.  Firstly, the number of sexual partners no longer correlates to the number of children; does it make sense to measure it this way because it might have in human evolutionary history?  Additionally, this measurement discounts the role of choice.  As I brought up in class, Brad Pitt could have many more sexual partners and children than he has had. Easily.

    Just look at him.

    So, we’re unsure about number of sexual partners as a measure of mating success.  But we’re also not sure what we should use as a measure. Thoughts, anyone (classmates, countrymen, accidental readers)?

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    mating success

  • Voice Pitch Sexual Dimorphism

    Apr 18th 2010

    By: Avery

    2 comments

    Men have deep voices, women less so.  This is a pretty basic fact that most small children will be able to tell you, but what we don’t often think about is that this is a very clear sexual dimorphism (and therefore likely evidence for sexual selection)!  This vocal dimorphism is not just further evidence for size dimorphism, though it is true that in general larger vocal cords produce deeper sound: analysis has been done, and men’s voices are, pound for pound, deeper than womens’.

    The study we read was about research done by David Andrew Puts, Steven J.C. Gaulin, and Katherine Verdolini (“Dominance and the evolution of sexual dimorphism in human voice pitch,” Evolution and Human Behavior 27 (2006) 283-296) to assess whether intrasexual selection  may have affected the evolution of males’ deep voices.  [Intrasexual selection is that between males, specifically in competition with each other for mates.] They found that men judged others as more dominant if the other had a deeper voice and that men modulated their vocal pitch between interactions with other men depending on whether they identified the other man as more or less dominant than themselves.

    The researchers had men “compete” with a computer for a date and compared their pitches in this interaction to a pre-recorded baseline; the competitive recording was compared with the baseline and what the men felt about the dominance of their opponent; this gave the between-interaction results.  A second group of men listened to a mix of the original competitive recordings and competitive recordings with the pitch raised or lowered and then rated the men who owned the voices on physical and social dominance scales–from strongly disagree to strongly agree with the statement “If this man got in a fistfight with an average male undergraduate student, this man would probably win” and a more complicated rating process for social dominance.

    Our discussion centered in on a couple of problems we have with this study or the concept in general.  Firstly, we became nervous that this trend for men to think deep voices were dominant could be–or at least could be suggested to be–cultural.  We agreed with the authors that cross cultural studies as cultural controls would be helpful, and would likely assuage this fear, which is only slight as “the widespread association between dominance and pitch across animal species, including nonhuman primates (Morton, 1977; Morton & Page, 1992), and the cross-cultural universality of voice pitch sexual dimorphism, masculine vocal traits such as low pitch are expected to increase perceived physical dominance among men generally, with cultural variables influencing the degree, but not the direction, of this effect.”

    Want more details? Read the study:
    Puts, David Andrew, Steven J.C. Gaulin, and Katherine Verdolini.  “Dominance and the evolution of sexual dimorphism in human voice pitch.” Evolution and Human Behavior. Vol. 27 (2006), pp 283-296.

    Sexual Dimorphism

    intrasexual selection, sexual dimorphism, voice pitch

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